Originally published in the National Post on Saturday, February 07, 2009
Less than three weeks into his presidency, Barack
Obama has been faced with the first serious test
of his commitment to tackle America's important
challenges head on: The overtly protectionist
“Buy American” provisions inserted into the U.
S. stimulus bill by Congress threaten to trigger a
wave of retaliation by America's trading partners,
with potentially disastrous results for the global
economy.
The Buy American legislation has strong support
from many of President Obama's key supporters.
In the face of massive job losses, approaching
500,000 per month, the popular appeal of
“recycling taxpayer dollars” by spending them
on domestically-manufactured goods is unmistakable.
It does not matter that every objective
economic assessment concludes that “Buy
American” will destroy more U. S. jobs than it saves
as U. S. goods are excluded from export markets by
retaliatory measures. “Buy American” is seductively
attractive to politicians because it allows them to
claim credit for saving jobs at specific companies
and industries; never mind the thousands of jobs
dispersed throughout the economy that will be
lost, since they are not as poignantly visible as a
single steel mill laying off 50% of its workers.
Despite the short-term political appeal of “Buy
American,” President Obama appears thus far to be
staying true to his commitment to make the hard
choices. He has challenged his own party's Congressional
leadership to go back to the drawing
board and make the stimulus bill comply with
international trade rules. President Obama went
even further by telling America and the world that
it would be “a mistake” to send a message that the
U. S. is just looking after itself and is not concerned
with world trade. There are now clear signs of
compromise from the Democratic congressional
leadership, which has begun serious discussion
of amendments that would require any domestic
preferences to be consistent with international
trade rules such as those of NAFTA and the WTO.
Canada can take its share of the credit for slowing
down the protectionist U. S. train. The government,
the official opposition and provincial leaders have
publicly called for the U. S. to reverse course on the
“Buy American” legislation, underscoring the fact
that protectionism would unequivocally harm the
U. S. economy, and especially its border states.
Equally important, but less noticed, Canada's
federal and provincial governments have thus far
led by example, by avoiding politically attractive
protectionist measures in their responses to the
economic downturn.
The job, however, is far from done. With close to
70% of our economy dependent on international
trade, Canada has a bigger stake than most other
countries in showing leadership in the face of
global protectionism. The “Buy American” legislation
may be the most visible attempt so far to
invoke protectionism, but we can be certain that
it will not be the last.
Both the governing Conservatives and the Liberal
Official Opposition have an important stake in bipartisan
co-operation on this issue. Voters expected
them to work together to get the budget through
and they did. There is every reason to believe that
our economic relationship with the U. S. is on the
same order of importance to Canadians.
There are three concrete steps that Canada can
take that will have important implications for
world trade.
First, it is essential that Canada, speaking with one
voice, continues to press the U. S. administration
and Congress to resist the lure of protectionism.
Despite President Barack Obama's clear stand
against protectionism, Congress has primacy over
international trade. We must closely monitor developments
and pool all available resources to
respond effectively to future protectionist slippage
by the United States.
Second, Canada must return to the front ranks of
international trade negotiations under the WTO
Doha Round. A mere decade ago, the pace of
global trade negotiations was set by the so-called
“Quad,” comprising the U. S., EU, Japan and Canada.
Canada played a central role in the Uruguay
Round of trade negotiations that concluded with
the establishment of the WTO in 1994. Since then,
we have slipped from leadership to invisibility, as
Canadian governments have equivocated on politically
“sensitive” issues like supply management.
Today, it is the so-called G6, comprising the U. S.,
EU, Brazil, India, Japan and Australia that sets the
pace.
Our trade officials are second to none in ability and
creativity, but their effectiveness has been undermined
by political timidity. The Doha negotiations
need a jolt to get them up and running. Canada is
well placed to give it.
Third, the government must be vigilant in invoking
its international rights under the WTO, NAFTA
and other trade and investment rules, to protect
Canadian industry from unfair trade. As the global
economy struggles through the current crisis,
some countries will be tempted to buy their way
out of trouble through subsidies, currency manipulation
and other instruments of unfair trade. The
Canadian government has internationally lawful
tools at its disposal to protect industries that are
injured by unfair trade and should not hesitate to
use them in appropriate circumstances.
As the United States' ally, neighbour and principal
trading partner, we are uniquely well positioned
to influence U. S. policy through persuasion rather
than confrontation. But to influence, we must
have access; hence the importance of our Prime
Minister establishing close personal relations with
the President. In doing so, Stephen Harper can
help restore some of the leadership that Canada
has lost on the international stage, and reclaim our
historic role as one of the world's greatest trading
nations.